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Putting the Squeeze on Schools

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The '65 percent solution' would end up cutting vital services to students, especially those who need them the most
 
When conservative newspaper colum-nist George Will thinks something is a good idea, it’s an excellent bet that he’s not talking about a proposal that’s good for public education or the people who work in schools. A longtime supporter of vouchers, Will is also fond of blaming education unions for almost everything that’s wrong with public education.

So it’s no surprise that the latest silver-bullet-type “reform” for public education being promoted by Will and a national organization that calls itself First Class Education—an idea that Will dubbed the “65 percent solution”—is really a diversion that could end up squeezing vital services from schools and shortchanging the students who need those services the most. On its surface, the 65 percent idea is appealing. It asks states to require all of their school districts to direct at least 65 cents of every dollar they spend on education to classroom instruction. The result, supporters say, would be millions more dollars to hire teachers, raise salaries and buy computers and other equipment. Theoretically, this money would come from cutting spending on administration and eliminating waste.

Currently, schools nationally spend about 61.5 percent of their budgets in the classroom, as defined by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) and built into the First Class Education proposals. Only four states already meet the 65 percent threshold. It’s important to note how NCES defines classroom instruction. Some expenses are obvious—teacher and instructional assistant salaries, instructional supplies, and activities such as music and arts. Others are more debatable, such as athletics. On the other side, some of the “outside the classroom” expenses are the very things that help children succeed in the classroom: professional development for teachers and other staff, library and media services, guidance counselors, nurses, social workers, food service and transportation. What’s more, there’s growing evidence that many of these vital services do, in fact, directly benefit students. (See the box on page 5.)

So far, 65 percent solution proposals have been adopted in only four states, Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana and Texas. But First Class Education and its supporters are gearing up to push the proposals through many more state legislatures or to place initiatives on the ballot in a number of states this fall. The group’s own communications boast that the idea has a powerful appeal because of its simple, one-size-fits-all nature. But an internal memo shows some of the true political aims of the group, which are far more troubling. Ultimately, these proposals are not about getting more money to underfunded classrooms but rather are about attacking education unions, promoting vouchers and squeezing government spending on essential public services. (See the box below right for more about the people behind First Class Education.)

The AFT executive council was alarmed enough about the rapid rise of the 65 percent solution movement that it passed a resolution at its meeting in February opposing the idea. AFT vice president Lorretta Johnson, who heads the union’s PSRP division, describes the dangers this way: “This misguided scheme to shift education dollars around is a direct attack on the important support services provided to students—inside and outside of the classroom—by our members. It will put all children at risk by cutting into the services, like transportation, nutrition, security, libraries and health programs, that enhance student achievement.”

The resolution says the AFT will continue to oppose arbitrary approaches, such as the 65 percent solution, “that are focused on the imposition of rules rather than on understanding what our schools and children need and on providing them with necessary resources.” (The AFL-CIO executive council passed a similar resolution at its February meeting.)

It’s ironic that in the age of No Child Left Behind—where a central theme is that schools should have flexibility in spending in return for meeting student performance standards and other accountability measures—this idea would impose strict rules on how schools can spend their money. The nation’s 16,000 separate school districts have vastly different populations and needs that determine out-of-classroom expenses. Large, sparsely populated districts, for example, often have higher transportation costs; small districts have higher administrative costs because they don’t benefit from economies of scale like larger districts; urban districts that serve more low-income students have to provide more supplemental services, such as health, nutrition and family outreach; and districts with older facilities often have higher maintenance costs. In other words, one standard on classroom spending makes little sense.

Perhaps the most compelling argument against the 65 percent solution is that there in no evidence that setting classroom spending at that level leads to higher achievement. School Matters, the nonpartisan school analysis unit of Standard & Poor’s, recently conducted an analysis of district spending and student achievement in 34 states. The report concluded that “mandating a specific spending allocation is not likely to provide a ‘silver bullet’ solution to raising student achievement.” In fact, the researchers found that many districts that spend less than 65 percent in the classroom do quite well on state tests, while others that exceed 65 percent do poorly. “The percentage allocated to instruction may need to vary from one district to another for legitimate reasons,” the report says.

One other argument of First Class Education is that their proposal will somehow eliminate waste and fraud in school spending. As with student achievement, there’s no reason to believe that setting arbitrary spending levels will make school budgets more efficient. If waste is a problem, the most effective way to reduce it is through means such as stricter oversight of education budgets, greater transparency in school spending and a commitment to accountability for results—all approaches that the AFT and its affiliates have supported.

While countering the appeal of the 65 percent solution will be a challenge, especially on state ballot initiatives, many organizations are joining the AFT in opposing it. In addition to obvious allies such as the National Education Association and the AFL-CIO, other groups that have expressed concerns include the American Library Association, the National PTA, the American Association of School Administrators and the National School Boards Association. The AFT will be reaching out to many more potential allies in coming months.

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THE DAMAGE IN ONE TYPICAL DISTRICT

The Kansas City (Mo.) school district spends 54 percent of its budget on instruction, as defined by the National Center for Education Statistics. If the district were to reconfigure its spending to meet the 65 percent level, that 11 percent shift in spending toward the classroom would mean a 24 percent drop in other categories. The AFT research department looked at the district budget to see what this might mean in different support service areas.

Here are just some of areas that would be cut, listed in full-time staff:

■ Maintenance—from 495 to 376
■ Attendance/placement­—from 67 to 51
■ Guidance/counseling—from 119 to 90
■ Health/psychological services/speech—from 82 to 62
■ Curriculum development—from 43 to 33
■ Staff training—from 24 to 18
■ Educational media services—from 77 to 59
■ Community and adult services—from 88 to 67
■ Other support services—from 469 to 356

Combined with reductions in other areas, as well as building-level administration, it adds up to a cut of 424 positions and $32 million. (Some services, such as transportation, are not listed because they already are contracted out by the Kansas City district.)


SUPPORT SERVICES TRANSLATE INTO
STUDENT GAINS

There is a whole body of evidence confirming the connection between support services for students and improved outcomes in schools.

Here are just a few studies:

■ Florida students improved their state test scores after receiving counseling that focused on appropriate academic behaviors (Brigham and Campbell, 2003).

■ Schools that provided improved nutrition for students just on test days had better test scores than schools that didn’t (Figlio et al. 2002).

■ Reading scores were higher in Pennsylvania schools where the library was adequately staffed, had proper information technology and integrated its resources into the curriculum (Lance, Rodney, Pennell, 2000).

■ Attendance rates where higher in Alabama elementary schools that had a school nurse (Allen, 2003).

■ Students in California did better in math when their teachers received continuous professional development that focused on subject-area content and assessment practices linked to the curriculum (Cohen and Hill, 1998).


THE REAL AGENDA 

The principal backers of the 65 percent solution have histories of supporting policies such as private school vouchers and tax-cut initiatives, which would drain resources from public schools. In addition to columnist George Will, the main proponents include Utah entrepreneur Patrick Byrne, CEO of online retailer Overstock.com; Grover Norquist of Americans for Tax Reform, a leading anti-tax and anti-government organization; and Tim Mooney, a Republican political consultant from Arizona who is a co-founder of First Class Education.

Mooney wrote a memo that the Austin American-Statesman uncovered last year that outlines the “political benefits” of promoting 65 percent initiatives. Among the benefits, Mooney says, are increasing tensions among different education unions; making inroads among suburban, affluent women who have been reluctant to support vouchers; and spreading a message that schools are inefficient, which can then lead to spending restrictions in all areas of state
government.

The memo also suggests that among the targeted states for 65 percent initiatives should be Arizona, Michigan and Oklahoma, which all have first-term Democratic governors who will likely run for re-election.

Recently, however, the conservative support for the proposal has been splintering. Prominent voucher supporter Jay Greene has questioned the approach, and the conservative Washington Times newspaper also ran a critical opinion piece.

 

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