College access is limited for poorer kids
A recent study of access and affordability issues at state colleges is raising questions, eyebrows and ire in the higher education world. "Unequal Opportunity: Disparities in College Access Among the 50 States" looks at admission and affordability data from 2,887 degree-granting colleges to determine how accessible they are. It then rates the states on how well they are doing in making higher education available for their residents.
Even though more students are in college today than a generation ago, the report concludes that low-income students still have far fewer options than their higher-income classmates. More often, lower-income students must resort to borrowing to make college affordable.
The vast majority of undergraduates--82 percent--enroll in public colleges and universities, the report notes. Therefore, the number of public community colleges and universities a state supports has a major impact on its accessibility rating. The most access-friendly states are Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, California, Connecticut, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Minnesota, Tennessee and Wyoming.
Some of the worst states are Delaware, Florida, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Vermont, Virginia and West Virginia.
"Geography matters," says Jerry Davis, vice president for research at the Lumina Foundation for education, the independent, Indianapolis-based organization that produced the report. "Where you live often limits your ability to go to college."
The report's authors defined "admissibility" as institutions that are open to college-qualified students with test scores and grades that put them within the 25th and 75th percentiles of the college-bound high school graduates in their state. In determining affordability, the study looked at college expenses and family affordability as well as the extent of federal, state and institutional aid.
Some of the report's critics complain about the premises underlying these definitions. For example, the authors took their admissibility measures from Peterson's guides to two- and four-year colleges, not from actual institutional data. Moreover, some public college systems have upped admissions requirements in recent years as part of a move to raise standards and student performance.
Representatives of private institutions say the report does not accurately reflect the amount of institutional aid that they make available to low-income students. They worry that the report will hurt access by discouraging low-income students from believing they can afford college. Lumina Foundation officers hope the report will influence state higher education policymakers and funders.
The report is available at www.luminafoundation.org/.
Athletes organize to reform NCAA
Student athletes concerned about health and safety issues and inadequate living stipends are using an assist from labor to organize for reform.
In early 2001, UCLA athletes formed the Collegiate Athletes Coalition. Its purpose is plainly stated on the group's Web site (www.cacnow.org/): to create a national players association in order to balance the power in NCAA sports. As the idea for CAC was coming together, United Steelworkers of America president Leo Gerard learned of the effort. He has made his union's resources available to help the players organize.
The players aren't looking for million-dollar salaries or golden contracts--even though some people associated with college sports are making those kinds of deals for themselves. They're looking for health insurance that covers all sports-related injuries and a life insurance policy worth more than the current $10,000, which, they note, doesn't always cover the cost of transport and burial. And because of rules prohibiting work during the school year and between semesters, the players would like stipends that are sufficient to cover the actual room and board costs associated with being full-time students in time-demanding training and playing programs.
"Three people died last summer," says CAC co-founder Ramogi Huma, a linebacker for the UCLA Bruins from 1995-98. These athletes were stricken in 2001 during "voluntary" summer training camps. "We're not blaming any institution," Huma adds, but says he wishes that the NCAA would have as much concern for players' safety as it does for enforcing monetary and recruiting rules.
CAC is pushing for the NCAA to adopt an initiative the coalition drafted last summer. Called the Critical Safety, Catastrophic Injury and Death Initiative, it seeks an increase in the life-insurance benefit, year-round medical coverage for sports-related injuries and enforcement of crucial safety measures.
The NCAA already has agreed to one demand of that initiative. CAC asked that the NCAA make arrangements for former University of Washington football player Curtis Williams, who was left paralyzed by a spinal cord injury, to receive coverage for in-home care. NCAA's former policy was to pay only for institutional care.
CAC also wants the NCAA to address the issue of stipends, which are set at about $2,000 less than the cost of attendance that institutions compute for the average student.
Since its formation last year, the CAC has picked up hundreds of basketball and football members at 10 institutions. Word of the group's success, however, has put the NCAA on the defensive. In January, officials agreed to meet with CAC representatives, then abruptly cancelled after "60 Minutes" aired a story about the coalition.
NCAA maintains that the Student Athlete Advisory Councils (SAACs) it sets up are all the voice college athletes need. Huma scoffs at the notion that SAACs are independent bodies. The NCAA provides no initiation for the SAAC members, who rotate on and off the councils quickly. SAAC representatives cannot propose legislation and cannot vote. They have no means to solicit opinions from students on campus.
"We feel there are a lot of things we can do to press the NCAA to be more progressive," says Huma.











