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Winter 2002
Creating
Political Space To Defend Chinese Workers
Remarks by Han Dongfang
In 1989, Han Dongfang turned himself in to the Chinese
government: He was wanted for "counter-revolutionary crimes." An electrician
employed in a railway factory, Han attempted to organize China’s first
independent union from a tent he set up in Tiananmen Square during the
democracy movement. Two years in prison and a near-fatal bout with
tuberculosis (to which he was exposed by the Chinese government) only
strengthened his commitment to democracy--and therefore independent
unions--in China.
Today, Han is barred from the mainland, but as he works from Hong Kong, his
voice travels throughout China. Through a Radio Free Asia talk show that Han
created and hosts, Han broadcasts interviews with workers. Many of these
conversations document the terrible conditions that Chinese workers must
endure, but they also carry news of worker protests. Han also delivers his
message through the China Labor BulletinW9 an e-newsletter that documents
workers’ attempts to establish independent unions, educates workers on
China’s labor laws, and tracks labor disputes.
As workers have heard of each other’s protests through Han’s radio show and
bulletin, they’ve gained confidence and protests have become more frequent.
Han is now encouraging them to go one step further--to file lawsuits against
their employers when those employers violate workers’ rights. Starting an
independent labor union is against the law, but filing a complaint against a
factory--particularly a foreign-owned factory--isn’t.
In Han’s words, the Chinese government is "sitting on a fire." As he and
other worker activists continue to inspire protests and lawsuits, they send
Party officials a message that jailing protest organizers and ignoring the
workers’ plight will only make the fire grow stronger. Han believes that
instead of fueling the fire, the Party will find it useful to settle
lawsuits and respond to gross violations of workers’ interests. In this
fluid situation, these activists find new space in which Chinese workers can
defend themselves.
During a recent visit to the United States, Han spoke to the Congressional
Democracy Caucus, AFT’s Human Rights Conference, and the Albert Shanker
Institute’s Board of Directors. The excerpts that follow are drawn from his
remarks to these groups and from an interview with American Educator.
--EDITORS
On Foreign Investment
It’s very clear that foreign investment means job opportunities for Chinese
workers. So I have no doubt that China needs more investment. But the
question is, what kind of job opportunities will these investments create?
Will the conditions be appropriate just for slaves--or for human beings?
China is becoming the world’s largest factory. It’s the world’s largest
sweatshop. Girls and boys are working seven days a week, 14-15 hours a day.
Very often their wages are just five cents ($0.05) per hour. Foreign
investment is important to us, but the Chinese government is trying to base
it on sacrificing workers’ interests and lives.
On Corporate Codes of Conduct
There are organizations throughout the world that have pressed companies to
adopt codes of conduct in which they commit their companies to providing
reasonable working conditions. I’ve seen how this works. The company writes
a responsibility code. It hires someone. They are called independent
monitors. But no, they’re not independent at all. They’re hired by the
company. The monitors can’t publish a report on their own. Each monitor must
negotiate with the company about the report he makes.
The monitors fly to China once a year, stay for three days in a nice hotel,
and spend three hours in the factory interviewing people (while being
monitored by the factory managers). They return to the company and issue a
report saying that in this factory the workers’ rights are respected. What
gave them the authority to make that judgment? The workers didn’t!
This has become popular PR for the companies, but it’s not good for the
trade union movement in China or around the world. These people think they
have found a "third way" to protect workers’ rights. They think it’s their
job to look after the workers. "You don’t need a union anymore," they think.
But behind this idea is the belief that workers’ rights can be protected
without freedom of association. That’s a fundamental violation of workers’
rights.
It’s a question of whether we’re talking about workers’ rights as "human
rights" or as "animal rights." If you are talking about "animal rights,"
that means the company only has to take care of the workers, give them
better conditions, give them one less hour of work, not one more. Better
treatment is, of course, better. But it shouldn’t be misunderstood as "human
rights." Chinese workers are human beings--just like American workers. What
they need is a union, not someone who just flies in and treats them like
hopeless, helpless people who are reliant on powerful people from other
countries for just treatment.
On Growing Labor Activism
China is committed to a market economy. In a market economy, there is on the
one hand, a free market with foreign investment and, on the other,
independent unions. That creates a balance. But the Chinese Communist Party
wants only the market, not the unions. It won’t work. Chinese workers are
being destroyed by the market that comes without the protection provided by
unions. People won’t keep taking it. Protests are growing.
There was a farmers’ action recently in Yizhou, a city in the southwestern
Guangxi Province. The mayor of the city, Deng Qing, is also the general
manager of the biggest enterprise in the city--the sugar factory. The mayor
used his political power to push the price of sugarcane very low. The
farmers couldn’t even survive. Twenty-five thousand sugarcane farmers
marched on the city government building. They broke things, threw the
computer out of the window. They said, "You said you were the people’s
government, but you are not. You are corrupt."
When things like this happen, the government has to respond. Either in the
traditional way with the army or armed police, or they have to find another
way out. My hopefulness is based on the idea that they will want to find
another way out.
Chinese oilworkers are also beginning to react to oppression and unfair
treatment with demonstrations. For example, this March, tens of thousands of
oilfield workers in the northeast from Daqing, the nation’s biggest
oilfield, went to the street and protested for three months. It was
triggered when 84,000 workers were laid off with very limited compensation.
The workers were pushed to sign agreements saying that they had left the
company on their own. They felt cheated. But the top managers received big
bonuses.
Every day, these workers would go to the square in front of the company
building. Many people were arrested. One by one, the leaders disappeared.
After three months, when there were no leaders left, the protest slowly,
slowly disappeared.
We told about these events on Radio Free Asia and through the China Labor
Bulletin e-newsletter. This ability to communicate makes a huge
difference. Three months after the northeast workers acted, oilfield workers
in Chongqing--three thousand miles away in the southwest--stood up demanding
the same things. But they learned from the northeast workers. They didn’t
limit themselves to a protest that would just lead to jailings. At the same
time that they went into the street, they started collecting donations from
the workers to support a lawsuit against the company. They argued in court
that the company had laid them off in an illegal way.
There were also protests last spring in Liaoyang. Thirty thousand workers
from more than 20 state-owned enterprises demanded their unpaid wages and
complained about corruption among managers and officials. During the
protests many of the leaders were arrested.
But in all, the signal is good, not bad. The protest leaders in Liaoyang
have been in prison for over six months. But their families are not afraid;
their fellow workers are not afraid. Even the lawyer who is working to
defend them is not afraid.
On Lawsuits
People wonder how the law, which has long been used against Chinese workers,
can now be an effective tool for them. China is a complicated place and we
have to be creative and use all avenues as they open up.
Take, for example, the effect of decentralization, which has brought more
power to local governments. Local government leaders now head up big
enterprises. As we saw, the mayor can be the general manager of the sugar
factory. The deputy mayor can be the private venture director. These people
are not only politically powerful, as they have always been, they are now
more economically powerful than ever before. But with all this power, they
go too far. They’re provoking people. It’s not just the farmers. It’s the
oilworkers, mineworkers.
The government will find that it needs to find a peaceful way to resolve
problems, to slowly release the pressure. That creates an opening for us.
You can’t know which part of the government might want to help the workers a
little, which part will want to relieve the pressure a little, which will
want to show that their part of the government is not corrupt.
It’s why I say on my radio show: "Use the law." China has laws on paper that
govern certain working conditions, but the laws are not enforced. Nobody can
guarantee which individual case the workers can win, but if more people
knock on the door, there is more chance that workers will win. Workers in
factories making goods for foreign companies have the best chances. They can
say, "Look, this American company is taking advantage of Chinese workers and
breaking Chinese laws."
On China’s Official Union
The official union, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), has
always tried to do what the Chinese Communist Party would want, without even
waiting for the Party’s order. According to Chinese law, there can only be
one legitimate union. So ACFTU sets up unions in factories to make sure no
independent workers get out on their own.
When western unions treat ACFTU as a legitimate union, they send a terribly
wrong message to Chinese workers. It hurts the Chinese independent trade
union movement. Now there’s a big wave of Chinese workers who, after 20
years of being exploited, are standing up, rising up, going to the streets,
protesting, and starting to fight back. At exactly this moment, Chinese
workers need support. We need a solidarity message from unions around the
world. This is especially true of the AFL-CIO, which is the biggest and most
influential trade union in the International Confederation of Free Trade
Unions.
Recently, a small group of representatives from several American unions
visited with AFCTU leaders. The People’s Daily and Worker’s Daily newspapers
[the official Chinese newspapers] used and manipulated this visit to make
Chinese workers believe that there’s no hope from the international trade
union movement. It’s really, really discouraging. *
On Seeing the Future
I would say that China today is a big time bomb. A lot depends on this
current government. Are they clever enough, intelligent enough to allow the
pressure to slowly be released or not? We can do little to confront huge
government power, like the army. So what we are trying to do is air problems
and find openings that will allow ordinary people to join together to get
the support of the law. Winning these kinds of battles, seeing the results
of working together--this is the beginning of real worker groups in China.
Of course what I’m proposing is just one piece of a solution that leads to a
better China. We are not looking for a complete solution to resolve all of
China’s problems at once. That’s impossible. I am a labor activist. I’m
trying make the voice of labor heard. Others are trying to build a voice for
business, for intellectuals, for other groups.
Anyone who thinks that there’s just one solution for China shouldn’t work in
China. There’s a lot to do. But if you look up in whatever area you’re in,
you see the future. There is a great field for us to fight in, and the
workers are rising up and the farmers are rising up, and the conflicts are
there.
*
The visit
of these American unionists was repudiated by the AFL-CIO. In a letter to
Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post, AFL-CIO International Affairs
Director Barbara Shailor said that "the visit did not in any way represent"
AFL-CIO policy and that Chinese workers’ interest in unions of their own
choosing "is not tolerated by ACFTU."
See Related stories by Robert Senser:
"Toying with Lives"
"Growing Worker Activism Pushes Envelope in China"

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